Conversely, participation in shared struggle can forge popular unity and foster civic equality. It is no accident, I suggest, that the strands of universality and particularity are braided through the history of American peoplehood, as they are I suspect, for political communities throughout the West. Nor is it an accident that during periods of stress—security threats and demographic change, for example—the latent tension between these strands often reemerges.
A reasonable patriotism gives particularity its due without allowing the passions of particularism to drown out the voice of broader civic principles. There is a difference between cosmopolitanism and universalism. We speak of some principles as universal, meaning that they apply everywhere. But the enjoyment of these principles requires institutions of enforcement, most often situated within particular political communities.
In this vein, the U. Declaration of Independence attributes certain rights to all human beings but adds immediately that securing these rights requires the establishment of government s.
Note the plural: not only will there be a multiplicity of governments, but they may assume a variety of forms, all legitimate as long as they defend rights and rest on the consent of the governed. As you can see, there is no contradiction, at least at the level of principle, between universal principles of right and patriotic attachment to particular communities.
Universality denotes the range in which our principles apply; it has nothing to do with the scope of our primary allegiance. By contrast, there is a contradiction between patriotism and cosmopolitanism. You cannot be simultaneously a citizen of the world and of a particular country, at least in the sense that we must often choose between giving pride of place to humanity as a whole as opposed to some subset of humanity.
There is a contradiction between patriotism and cosmopolitanism. But if we dig a bit deeper, the matter becomes more complicated. For example, we can observe many kinds of cosmopolitan groups—scientists and mathematicians, for example, whose quest for truth depends on principles of evidence and reason that take no account of political boundaries. There is a form of cosmopolitanism, finally, that may be observed among some government officials—the belief that it is their duty to maximize human wellbeing, regardless of the nationality of those who stand to benefit.
As subsequent events showed, there is a tension between global utilitarianism and the expectation that leaders will give priority to the interests of their own citizens. Indeed, it is hard to imagine a political community in which the belief in the legitimacy of collective self-preference does not hold sway—which is not to say that most citizens attach a weight of zero to the interests of human beings beyond the borders of their community, or that they should do so.
Self-preference is one thing, moral obtuseness another. There is a distinction, on which I need not dwell at length, between liberal and populist democracy.
Unelected bureaucrats and experts, it is alleged, are making decisions over the head and against the will of the people. The referendum is the purest expression of this conception of democracy.
Liberal democracy, by contrast, distinguishes between decisions that the popular majorities should make, either directly or through their elected representatives, and issues involving rights, which should not be subject to majority will. The defense of fundamental rights and liberties is not evidence of a democracy deficit no matter how intensely popular majorities may resent it. Along with independent civil society, institutions such as constitutional courts give life to democracy, so understood.
It is this conception of democracy on which I rely in the remainder of my remarks. Keller has put his finger on a dangerous tendency, one that I suspect most of us can feel within ourselves. Sometimes monsters masquerade as patriots and manipulate patriotic sentiments to serve their own ends.
Just as patriots can go astray, they can also acknowledge their mistakes and do their best to make reparations for them. No one ever accused Ronald Reagan of being deficient in patriotism, but he was the president who formally apologized to Japanese-Americans on behalf of the country for their unjust internment during World War II. But just as patriots can go astray, they can also acknowledge their mistakes and do their best to make reparations for them.
Or, if you prefer, we can see patriotism as a sentiment that needs principled regulation. Patriotism does not mean blind fidelity, no matter what. Are you considering assisted living for yourself or a loved one but are hesitant about the cost? Assisted living costs, services and amenities vary greatly among the last and most expensive communities, and costs are higher in some states than others.
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Identity also helps us to make decisions and to know how to behave. But strong identities can also be dangerous. The drive to protect your identity can be overpowering. Sometimes we can get so caught up in this that we neglect other important things: like being open-minded, truth-seeking, and kind to others.
Identity formation and evolution are impacted by a variety of internal and external factors like society, family, loved ones, ethnicity, race, culture, location, opportunities, media, interests, appearance, self-expression and life experiences. Red symbolizes hardiness and valor. Blue represents vigilance, justice and perseverance. Then, white stands for purity and innocence.
Another example of patriotism is the celebration of Independence Day. From then on, this holiday became the birth of America's independence. Today, we demonstrate patriotism by family cookouts, barbecues, and lighting fireworks on Independence Day.
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